Debate on Air Zones Continues in South Korea

By Alastair Gale

South Korea continued to debate its response to China’s move to include an area of ocean disputed by the two nations in its own new air-defense identification zone.

On Thursday, South Korea said it would consider extending its own air-defense zone to respond to China’s move after Beijing refused a demand from Seoul to redraw its new zone.
Since then, the issue has been on the agenda at a series of high-level meetings in Korea’s capital as the government considers how to proceed.
In addition to inflaming its dispute with China, officials are aware the move could also worsen already-fraught ties with Japan. 

The air-defense identification zones of South Korea and Japan share a border and any move to extend the Korean zone would almost certainly overlap with Japanese interests.

A picture made available by the South Korean Navy shows a South Korean destroyer patrolling in waters around Ieodo. 

South Korean media reported that Seoul is considering extensions of its ADIZ to the south, east and west, primarily to cover an area of ocean around a submerged rock that is claimed by China but administered by South Korea. 

The rock has a Korean-built marine research station on it and the two nations claim exclusive economic rights to the area.
South Korea’s defense ministry, foreign ministry and presidential office all declined to comment on the discussions.
A decision from Seoul on the matter had been expected early this week. 

But local media report that it is likely to be delayed until later in the week and may come during or after a visit from U.S. Vice President Joe Biden. 

Officials say a move to extend South Korea’s air-defense zone isn’t a given, but Seoul feels pressured to respond forcefully because of the long-running dispute with China over the area of ocean around the submerged rock and concerns the new Chinese air-defense zone would worsen South Korea’s position in future talks.
“An expansion isn’t the only option that serves national interest. Resolving, moderating and managing conflict is also a part of a national gain in a forward-looking perspective,” Defense Ministry spokesman Col. Wi Yong-seop said last week.
South Korea has refused to recognize the new Chinese zone and has instructed the nation’s airlines not to file flight plans to Chinese authorities when entering the zone.

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China's Threat: South Korea Plans to Expand Defense Zone

JONATHAN CHENG

SEOUL—South Korea pressed ahead with plans to expand its air-defense identification zone after a meeting with visiting U.S. Vice President Joe Biden on Friday.

South Korean President Park Geun-hye shakes hands with U.S. Vice President Joe Biden on Friday.

As early as Sunday, Seoul says it will make a formal announcement about expanding its air defense zone, a direct response to China's recent move to create an air-defense identification zone in the East China Sea that has angered Japan, South Korea and the U.S.
Seoul is the only one of China's neighbors to respond in-kind following Beijing's unexpected announcement last month that it would require foreign aircraft to notify it when entering its new air-defense zone.
According to a statement issued by South Korea's presidential office, Mr. Biden acknowledged South Korean President Park Geun-hye's position on Korea's air defense zone.

Both sides agreed to continue discussing the matter, the statement said.
U.S. officials had no immediate account of the closed-door meeting, but shortly afterward, South Korea's foreign affairs and national security ministers convened to finalize plans for the new, expanded Korean zone.
In a briefing earlier on Friday, a spokesman for the defense ministry said that South Korea's newly-drawn expanded air-defense zone should cover a submerged reef claimed by both China and South Korea that falls within China's new air defense zone.
The submerged rock, known internationally as the Socotra Rock, is called Ieodo. South Korea runs a marine research station built on top of the rock.

A Chinese foreign ministry spokesman said South Korea should keep to international laws and conventions in expanding its zone, adding that Beijing would stay in communication with Seoul.
Mr. Biden didn't refer to the plans for the enlarged South Korean air-defense zone in a speech at a Seoul university after his meeting with Ms. Park. 

However, he did repeat the U.S. position that it doesn't recognize the Chinese zone, while stopping short of calling on Beijing to repeal its air zone.
"We do not recognize the zone. It will have no effect on American operations—just ask my general," Mr. Biden said. "None. Zero."
In his speech, Mr. Biden called on South Korea, as well as Japan and China, to "lower the temperature" after several weeks of confusion and rhetoric on the region's various air defense zones.
"The possibility of miscalculation, a mistake, is real," he said, repeating recent calls by U.S. officials for better ties between Japan and South Korea, two U.S. allies that continue to bicker over historical and territorial disputes.
"The entire region will be more stable and more secure if the leading democracies—Japan, South Korea and the United States—are able to improve their relations and cooperation with one another," Mr. Biden said.

Mr. Biden's stop in Seoul, which concludes Saturday, wraps up a three-nation Asian tour that was originally planned to promote trade, but which has instead tested Washington's ability to keep tensions between China, Japan and South Korea from spilling over.

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China pushing to change order

By Song Sang-ho

The U.S. and its Asian allies will continue to face increasing pressure from China, as the emerging great power seeks to reshape the security order and ultimately expel the U.S. from the region, a top political thinker said.
In an interview with The Korea Herald, Stephen M. Walt, professor at the John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, also noted the need for collective action to fend off China’s unilateral territorial assertions.
“It is unacceptable for any states in Asia to unilaterally declare new territorial arrangements. I believe China is likely to keep pushing for revisions of this kind, and it will be important for its neighbors and the U.S. to resist these probes,” said Walt.
“If China’s power continues to rise, there will be intensifying security competition in Asia. China will try to push the U.S. out of Asia, mostly by pressuring America’s current allies. The U.S. will want to maintain its current position, but it will need resolute and enthusiastic support from its Asian allies,” he added.
China’s recent demarcation of its Air Defense Identification Zone in the East China Sea has sharply raised military tensions in East Asia. 

South Korea and Japan have strongly protested the unilateral move and vowed not to recognize the zone, which overlaps with their own zones.
Seoul demanded last week that Beijing adjust the zone to exclude parts of South Korean territory. 

Beijing rejected the demand, asserting its right to ensure territorial integrity. 

China’s ADIZ incorporates the area over Ieodo, a South Korea-controlled submerged rock in the overlapping exclusive economic zones of the two countries.
At the same time, South Korea has sought to strengthen its strategic partnership with China ― a crucial partner in trade, investment, tourism as well as North Korea’s denuclearization.
Commenting on Seoul’s increasingly difficult strategic position between the preponderant U.S. and ascendant China, Walt cautioned against becoming too reliant on China.
“There is nothing wrong with South Korea having mutually beneficial economic ties with China; the U.S. does too,” he said. 

“But it is even more important for South Korea not to become too dependent on China, and to maintain a reliable security relationship with the U.S.”
As to Japanese’ pursuit of the right to collective self-defense ― the use of force against an attack on an ally, namely the U.S. ― and heavier armaments, Walt painted a positive outlook.
“I think a more ‘normal’ Japan would be in everyone’s interest,” he said, referring to the archipelago state’s push to become a “normal” state with a full-fledged military, which would go beyond the current defense-oriented force management.
Walt also dismissed concerns that Japan’s stronger armament could lead to its reversion to a militaristic national strategy. 

“The militarist attitudes that dominated Japan in the late 19th and early 20th centuries are a thing of the past, and are not going to return in any serious way,” he said. 

“Given economic and social trends in Asia, Japan is not a security threat that other Asian countries need to worry about.”
To a question of whether Washington would feel uncomfortable with Japan adopting too aggressive a military policy, Walt pointed out that the U.S. would not want anyone else to try to alter the status quo.
“The U.S, Japan, and South Korea have a common interest in maintaining the status quo in East Asia,” he said. 

“Fortunately, I do not think any of our Asian allies have such ambitions (to alter the status quo), so I am not particularly worried about Japan becoming too aggressive.”
Urging Seoul and Tokyo to try harder to improve their ties, strained due to historical and territorial animosities, Walt underscored that conflicts between the U.S. allies were “counterproductive” for regional security.
“(Conflicts) can weaken our joint efforts to maintain stability in Asia. South Korea and Japan should do more to resolve their current differences, as quarrels between them will make it harder for the U.S. to work with both,” he said.
On North Korea, Walt said the current regime in Pyongyang was unlikely to give up its nuclear program considering that it is the regime’s ultimate protection from external pressure.
“I believe a post-Kim government might be willing to give up their nuclear weapons in exchange for economic benefits, just as South Africa, Kazakhstan, Ukraine, and Belarus did. But political change will have to come first,” he said.
Walt also expressed skepticism over the possibility that negotiations would lead to a complete denuclearization of North Korea.
“Negotiations may convince North Korea to freeze its program, or convince it not to expand its nuclear arsenal further. But I do not believe that the six-party talks will lead to actual disarmament at any point in the near to medium term,” he said.

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China's ADIZ undermines regional stability

By Bonnie S Glaser

China established an "East China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ)" effective as of 10 am on November 23. 

China's Ministry of National Defense also announced Aircraft Identification Rules for the ADIZ, which include a warning that "defensive emergency measures" would be adopted to respond to aircraft that refuse to follow the instructions.
The zone overlaps the existing ADIZ of Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. China's ADIZ also covers the Japanese Senkaku Islands.

One day following the announcement, China conducted two aerial patrols over the area; its aircraft were intercepted by Japan Air Self Defense Force (ASDF) fighter jets.
All nations have the right to establish reasonable conditions of entry into their territory. 

An ADIZ is a declaration of a perimeter within which unidentified aircraft can be intercepted and prevented from illegally proceeding to enter national airspace. 

It serves essentially as a national defense boundary for aerial incursions. 

There are no international rules or laws that determine the size of an ADIZ. 

Over 20 nations have an ADIZ, including the United States, Japan, South Korea, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Taiwan in the West Pacific. 

ADIZs typically are much more extensive then a country's territorial airspace.
Why did China establish an ADIZ? 

China's PLA spokesman claimed that its action is "a necessary measure taken by China in exercising its self-defense right," and that "it is not directed against any specific country or target." 

However, the decision to declare an East China Sea ADIZ is likely aimed at strengthening Beijing's claim over the Japanese islands in the East China Sea. 

This move follows on China's September 2012 submission to the United Nations of baselines to demarcate a territorial sea around the islands.
China may also be responding to recent Japanese warnings that it reserves the right to shoot down unmanned drones that pose a threat to Japanese airspace. 

By creating an ADIZ that includes the Senkaku Islands, Beijing may believe it has established a basis for challenging and, if necessary, taking action against Japanese aircraft operating in this zone. 

The ADIZ may also signal a Chinese intention to increase flights in the territorial airspace around the disputed islands as a demonstration of its sovereignty and jurisdictional claim. 

China has only flown an aircraft in the territorial airspace around the island once, in February 2013, when a civilian maritime surveillance Y-12 aircraft entered the airspace.
Beijing may also seek to collect and publish data on the number of times that Chinese jets scramble to intercept Japanese fighters that enter into its ADIZ. 

Japan already publishes data on "intrusions" by Chinese and Russian aircraft; China may see benefits in demonstrating to its domestic audience that the party and military are doing their utmost to defend Chinese sovereignty and territorial integrity.
China's action exacerbates tensions in ongoing disputes and creating friction in the region where none or little existed. 

It further increases tension in the territorial row between China and Japan at a time when that bilateral relationship is already severely strained. 

Moreover, it heightens the risk of an accident. 

There is a very large overlap between China's ADIZ and Japan's ADIZ. 

When aircraft from either country fly in this overlapping area, the other side is likely to scramble fighters and intercept the intruder. 

If intercepts are not conducted safely and in accordance with international norms, a collision is possible. Recall that in 2001 a Chinese fighter jet that was conducting aggressive intercepts collided with a US surveillance plane, which resulted in the Chinese pilot's death, the forced landing of the US EP-3 on Hainan island where its 24-member crew was held for 11 days, and a crisis in US-China relations.
China's ADIZ also encompasses portions of Ieodo Island and Jeju Island, which are part of South Korea, and overlaps with the Korean ADIZ in a wide swath that is 20 kilometers wide and 115 km long. 

The South Korean government expressed its regret about the Chinese government's decision. 

The newly announced ADIZ also overlaps with Taiwan's ADIZ, prompting the government in Taipei to issue a statement that included a pledge that Taiwan's armed forces would ensure the safety of the country's airspace, and urged all parties to "avoid actions that could escalate confrontation in the region."
Moreover, China's Aircraft Identification Rules make no distinction between aircraft flying parallel with China's coastline through the ADIZ and those flying toward China's territorial airspace. 

Secretary of State Kerry highlighted this issue in his statement, saying that the US "does not apply its ADIZ procedures to foreign aircraft not intending to enter US national airspace," implying that the US would not recognize China's claimed right to take action against aircraft that are not intending to enter its national airspace. 

Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel stated that the US would not change the way it conducts military operations in the region.
Some Chinese may believe that aggressive intercepts against a Japanese aircraft in air space near the Senkakus would not provoke a US response since Washington is neutral on the issue of sovereignty over the islands. 

Secretary Hagel's statement reaffirming that Article V of the US-Japan Mutual Defense Treaty applies to the disputed islands is important in this regard and should prevent Chinese miscalculation.
At one fell swoop, Beijing's ADIZ decision has injected new problems into its ties with South Korea, Taiwan and the US, further soured relations with Japan, and frightened smaller nations in Southeast Asia. 

It appears that Xi Jinping, who by all accounts has emerged stronger from the recently held Chinese Communist Party Third Plenum, is willing to fan the flames of nationalism so he can ensure the party's popularity as he tackles economic reform at home.

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Face-off

Like a teenager on a growth spurt who doesn’t know his own strength, China has underestimated the impact of its actions. 

The Economist

THE announcement by a Chinese military spokesman on November 23rd sounded bureaucratic: any aircraft flying through the newly designated Air Defence Identification Zone (ADIZ) in the East China Sea must notify Chinese authorities in advance and follow instructions from its air-traffic controllers. 

America’s response was rapid. 

On November 26th Barack Obama sent two B-52 bombers to fly through the new zone without notifying China. 

This face-off marks the most worrying strategic escalation between the two countries since 1996, when China’s then president, Jiang Zemin, ordered a number of exclusion zones for missile tests in the Taiwan Strait, leading America to send two aircraft-carriers there.
Plenty of countries establish zones in which they require aircraft to identify themselves, but they tend not to be over other countries’ territory. 

The Chinese ADIZ overlaps with Japan’s own air-defence zone (see map). 

It also includes some Japanese specks of rock called the Senkaku islands, as well as a South Korean reef, known as Ieodo. 

The move is clearly designed to bolster China’s claims. 

On November 28th Japan and South Korea sent aircraft into the zone.

Teenage testosterone
Growing economic power is bound to go hand-in-hand with growing regional assertiveness. 

That is fine, so long as the behaviour of the rising power remains within international norms. 

In this case, however, China’s does not; and America, which has guaranteed free navigation of the seas and skies of East Asia for 60 years, is right to make that clear.
How worrying China’s move is depends partly on the thinking behind it.

It may be that, like a teenager on a growth spurt who doesn’t know his own strength, China has underestimated the impact of its actions. 

The claim that America’s bombers had skirted the edge of the ADIZ was gawkily embarrassing. 

But teenagers who do not realise the consequences of their actions often cause trouble: China has set up a casus belli with its neighbours and America for generations to come.
It would thus be much more worrying if the provocation was deliberate. 

The “Chinese dream” of Xi Jinping, the new president, is a mixture of economic reform and strident nationalism. 

The announcement of the ADIZ came shortly after a party plenum at which Mr Xi announced a string of commendably radical domestic reforms. 

The new zone will appeal to the nationalist camp, which wields huge power, particularly in the armed forces. It also helps defend Mr Xi against any suggestions that he is a westernising liberal.
If this is Mr Xi’s game, it is a dangerous one. 

East Asia has never before had a strong China and a strong Japan at the same time. 

China dominated the region from the mists of history until the 1850s, when the West’s arrival spurred Japan to modernise while China tried to resist the foreigners’ influence. 

China is eager to re-establish dominance over the region. 

Bitterness at the memory of the Japanese occupation in the second world war sharpens this desire. 

It is this possibility of a clash between a rising and an established power that lies behind the oft-used parallel between contemporary East Asia and early 20th-century Europe, in which the Senkakus play the role of Sarajevo.

Seas of troubles
Tensions are not at that level. 

Japan’s constitution bans it from any military aggression and China normally goes to great lengths to stress that its rise—unlike that of Japan in the 1920s and 1930s—will be peaceful. 

But the neighbours are nervous, especially as the establishment of the ADIZ appears to match Chinese ambitions in the South China Sea.
Chinese maps show what is known as the “nine-dash line” encompassing all the South China Sea. 

In the wake of the global financial crisis, perhaps believing its own narrative of Chinese rise and American decline, it began to overreach in its dealings with its neighbours. 

It sent ships to disputed reefs, pressed foreign oil companies to halt exploration and harassed American and Vietnamese naval vessels in the South China Sea. 

These actions brought a swift rebuke from America’s then secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, and China appeared to back off and return to its regional charm offensive. 

Some observers say that the government is using the ADIZ to establish a nine-dash line covering the East China Sea as well. 

They fear China’s next move will be to declare an ADIZ over the South China Sea, to assert control over both the sea and the air throughout the region.
Whether or not China has such specific ambitions, the ADIZ clearly suggests that China does not accept the status quo in the region and wants to change it. 

Any Chinese leader now has an excuse for going after Japanese planes. 

Chinese ships are already ignoring Japanese demands not to enter the waters surrounding the disputed islands.
What can be done? 

Next week Joe Biden, America’s vice-president, arrives in China. 

The timing may be uncomfortable, but it is fortuitous. 

Mr Biden and Mr Xi know each other well: before Mr Xi became president, he spent five days in America at Mr Biden’s invitation. 

Mr Biden is also going to South Korea and Japan.
America’s “pivot” towards Asia is not taken very seriously there: Mr Obama is seen as distracted by his domestic problems. 

Mr Biden could usefully make clear America’s commitment to guaranteeing freedom of navigation in the region. 

Japan and South Korea, who squabble over petty issues, need to be told to get over their differences. 

As for China, it needs to behave like a responsible world power, not a troublemaker willing to sacrifice 60 years of peace in north-east Asia to score some points by grabbing a few windswept rocks. 

It should accept Japan’s suggestion of a military hotline, similar to the one that is already established between Beijing and Washington.
The region must work harder to build some kind of architecture where regional powers can discuss security. If such a framework had existed in Europe in 1914, things might have turned out differently.

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Seoul Sees Territory Threat in China Defense Zone

South Korea Wary That Beijing Vying for Advantage With Disputed Rock
By ALASTAIR GALE And JEYUP S. KWAAK

South Korean Vice Defense Minister Baek Seung-joo, left, shakes hands with his Chinese counterpart, Wang Guangzhong, deputy chief of general staff of the Chinese People's Liberation Army, ahead of their talks in Seoul on Thursday. 

SEOUL—South Korea's forceful response to China's new air-defense zone despite otherwise warming ties reflects concern over Beijing's apparent move to tilt a long-running dispute over territorial waters in its favor, officials and analysts in Seoul said.
On Thursday, Seoul confirmed that a South Korean military plane had flown into the new Chinese zone on Tuesday without giving prior warning to Beijing, a day after the U.S. challenged the Chinese demarcation with two B-52 bombers.
South Korea also called for China to redraw its zone at high-level defense talks on Thursday and, after the request was rejected, said it would consider extending its own air-defense zone. 

Seoul says it will send further flights into the Chinese zone without advance notice.
The assertive stance contrasts with South Korea's initial response to China's declaration of the zone on Saturday. Seoul expressed concern but said then the issue would be resolved through dialogue.

A senior South Korean government official said that the more muscular approach was driven by Seoul's wish to reassert its claims over contested territorial waters within China's new zone, primarily an area of ocean around a submerged rock claimed by both Beijing and Seoul.
The rock, known internationally as Socotra Rock, and Ieodo in Korea, has been the subject of a dispute running for decades. 

The rock, northeast of Shanghai and southwest of the Korean island of Jeju, is one point of disagreement in a bigger dispute about the drawing of the countries' respective exclusive economic zones, or EEZ.
The rock, around 15 feet below sea level, lies in an overlapping section of the countries' EEZs. 

Under United Nations guidelines, a country has rights over use of marine resources in an EEZ within 200 nautical miles from its shores—but in case multiple countries' zones overlap, they must negotiate the maritime border.
Beijing and Seoul have met to discuss the issue 16 times previously without reaching consensus.

In 2003, South Korea completed the construction of a marine research center on the rock, including a helicopter landing pad.
A spokesman for South Korea's defense ministry the country's navy and coast guards conduct routine surveillance with aircraft around Ieodo about once or twice a week on average. 

The senior government official said Tuesday's military flight into China's claimed air-defense zone was made to demonstrate South Korea's jurisdiction over the waters around the rock.
On Monday, a spokesman for China's foreign ministry said there was no dispute over the rock and the issue would be resolved through dialogue.
South Korea's shift from its initially restrained response highlights the domestic pressure it faces with regards to territorial sovereignty, said Kim Han-kwon, director of the Center for China Policy at the Asan Institute for Policy Studies, a Seoul-based think tank.
Though the Chinese air-defense zone isn't set under international law—and has no impact on territory—South Korean politicians and media have treated China's move as an incursion, helping drive a stronger reaction from the government, Mr. Kim said.
"None of the countries (involved in the regional dispute) can step back at this point" or risk losing face, he said.
In addition to the dispute over the rock, South Korea has protested China's move to create 3,000 square kilometers of overlap in the two countries' air-defense zones in the East China Sea. 

After a senior Chinese military official rejected South Korea's demand for Beijing to redraw its zone, his South Korea counterpart said Seoul may increase its own zone, potentially creating further overlap.
The spokesman for the defense ministry in Seoul said the issue of extending South Korea's air-defense zone was under review but declined to provide further details about where it might be increased.
The dispute marks a sharp turn after months of progress in developing closer political and economic ties between Beijing and Seoul. 

During a state visit to Beijing by South Korean President Park Geun-hye in June, the two countries signed a number of agreements and are in discussions about a bilateral free trade agreement.
Ms. Park's personal interest in the Chinese language and culture has also been warmly received in China. South Korea has prioritized ties with China over Japan, which remains in dispute with Seoul over long-running historical and territorial issues.

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Japan, South Korean military planes defy China's new defense zone

BY TETSUSHI KAJIMOTO AND JU-MIN PARK

Japanese and South Korean military aircraft flew through disputed air space over the East China Sea without informing China, officials said on Thursday, challenging a new Chinese air defense zone that has increased regional tensions and sparked concerns of an unintended clash.
The move came after Tokyo's close ally Washington defied China's demand that airplanes flying through its unilaterally announced zone identify themselves to Chinese authorities, flying two unarmed B-52 bombers over the islands on Tuesday without informing Beijing.
Tensions have ratcheted up since Beijing's weekend announcement of the zone that includes the skies over islands at the heart of a feud between Japan and China, and its demand that planes flying in the area first notify Chinese authorities.
Japan and the United States have sharply criticized the move, which some experts said was aimed not only at chipping away at Tokyo's control of the Senkaku islands, but also at challenging U.S. dominance in the region.
The United States does not take a position on the sovereignty of the islands but recognizes Tokyo's administrative control and has assured Japan that the U.S.-Japan security pact covers them.
The developments are expected to dominate U.S. Vice President Joe Biden's visit to Japan, China and South Korea next week.
Also on Thursday, China rejected South Korea's demand for the repeal of the zone, but appeared to soften its demand that commercial aircraft tell its military authorities of any plans to transit the area. 

Japan's two biggest airlines have already begun defying that order.
"The East China Sea Air Defence Identification zone is not aimed at normal international flights. We hope that relevant countries' airlines can proactively cooperate, so there is more order and safety for flights," China's Foreign Ministry spokesman Qin Gang told reporters.
Japan's Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga said naval ships and patrol planes have been operating in the East China Sea and would continue to do so.
"They are carrying out surveillance activity as before in the East China Sea, including the zone," Suga told a news conference, adding there has been no particular response from China. 

"We are not going to change this (activity) out of consideration to China," he added.

BEIJING REJECTS SEOUL'S DEMAND
A South Korean official also said a navy reconnaissance plane had flown over a submerged rock in the area claimed by both Beijing and Seoul, and that the flights would continue.
The Ieodo rock is controlled by South Korea, which maintains a maritime research station built on it.

Asked about the South Korean flight, Chinese spokesman Qin only said that Beijing was aware of it.
South Korea's reaction to Beijing's weekend declaration has been somewhat muted, reflecting its efforts to forge closer ties with China.
On Thursday, however, Seoul's vice defence minister told a senior Chinese military official that the move to impose the new rules created military tension in the region and called on Beijing to rectify the zone
"The Chinese reaction was that they will not be accepting the (South) Korean side's demand," Defence Ministry spokesman Kim Min-seok told reporters after talks between Vice Defence Minister Baek Seung-joo and Wang Guanzhong, the deputy chief of general staff of the Chinese People's Liberation Army.

Asked if China would heed Japanese calls to revoke the air defence zone, China's Defence Ministry spokesman Yang Yujun said Tokyo had implemented its own zone in 1969 and blamed it for raising tensions with its double standards.
Japan says it only requires planes headed for its territorial air space to notify authorities, not those merely transiting through its air defence identification zone.

In the ongoing war of words, the policy panel of Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's Liberal Democratic Party approved a resolution on Thursday demanding China rescind the new air defence zone, saying the unilateral move reflected "unreasonable expansionism". 

But the resolution dropped a more inflammatory reference to "premodern and imperialist expansionism" contained in an earlier draft.

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China’s Airspace Claim Inflames Ties to South Korea, Too

   

By CHOE SANG-HUN

South Korea’s foreign minister warned on Wednesday that China’s recent attempt to police the sky over a vast area in the East China Sea was worsening tensions in a region already strained by territorial disputes.
China’s so-called air defense identification zone covered not only a group of Japanese islands but also a submerged rock that both China and South Korea want to control.
The dispute over the submerged rock has never been as fierce as China’s dispute over the islands with Japan, but the new air patrol zone drew strong protests from South Korea, threatening to heighten tensions with Beijing.
Seoul said it would not recognize the Chinese zone and would maintain its jurisdictional right to waters around the Ieodo rock.
“The issue of the air defense identification zone is making the already difficult regional situations even more difficult to deal with,” Foreign Minister Yun Byung-se of South Korea said during a defense forum in Seoul on Wednesday.
“We see competition and conflict in the region deepening,” he said.
“Things can take a dramatic turn for the worse if territorial conflicts and historical issues are merged with nationalism.”
Mr. Yun’s comment came a day after two long-range American B-52 bombers flew through the contested airspace, a move seen as a warning by Washington that it would defy what it considered China’s provocative attempt to expand control over airspace in the region.
In recent years, tensions over territorial disputes have grown in the region, a reflection of how contesting claims were never settled satisfactorily at the end of World War II in 1945.
Recently, such conflicts tended to keep South Korea drifting further away from Japan as Seoul appeared to be cozying up more to Beijing.
Seoul and Tokyo, two close American allies, have locked horns over a separate set of islands and over Japan’s treatment of Korean sex slaves for its army during World War II.
South Korea and China recently together angered Tokyo by agreeing to build a monument in China for a Korean nationalist hero who assassinated a former Japanese prime minister in 1909.
But China’s declaration of the expanded air control zone highlighted a potentially volatile dispute between China and South Korea, since it covered Ieodo, a submerged reef south of Jeju, an island off the south coast of South Korea.
Ieodo, which South Korea says it effectively controls, is believed to be surrounded by natural gas and minerals deposits.
Despite fierce protests from environmentalists, South Korea is building a $970 million naval base in Jeju, a home for 20 warships, including submarines, that the navy says will protect shipping lanes in the East China Sea for South Korea’s oil-dependent, export-driven economy as well as enabling it to respond quickly to any dispute with China over the rock.
Under international maritime law, countries cannot claim a submerged rock as territory but can claim the right to control and use waters and natural resources around it.
Both China and South Korea claim such rights over the reef.
Currently, the Korea Hydrographic and Oceanographic Administration manages a research station built on the rock.
“The issue over Ieodo is not a territorial one but a matter of the exclusive economic zone, as it is not an island but a submerged rock,” Cho Tai-young, a spokesman for the South Korean Foreign Ministry, said on Wednesday.

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