Gaming China’s Art Market With Expert Forgeries

By DAVID BARBOZA

Workers producing replicas at a factory near the Chinese town of Jingdezhen referring to a textbook displaying antique porcelain works.
In a workshop strewn with plastic, metals and the sound of crickets, craftsmen in the village of Yanjian, in Henan Province, are busy producing bronze works: horses, daggers, bells and ritual vessels — and all made to look like ancient Chinese relics.
After creating molds and casting the objects in bronze, workers place them in acid tubs and bury them underground for months at a time, hoping to recreate the effects of aging and produce works that looks as if they had just been unearthed from an ancient tomb.
“Of course, we douse them with chemicals and bury them,” said one of the guides at the Yanyunjian Bronze Company, explaining the company’s production techniques and referring to the tradition of reproducing ancient bronze objects. 

“But this is a lot less disgusting than what they did during the 1970s and 1980s. Back then, they would soak the stuff in urine and animal excrement.”
All over China, hundreds, if not thousands, of workshops are doing something similar, producing replicas of ancient relics and artifacts, in bronze, ceramics, jade and silver. 

Some workshops specialize in paintings made in the style of an ancient master, using old paper, inks and seals.
While many objects are marketed for what they are — high-quality replicas, or imitations of old works — experts say the most sophisticated pieces are good enough to fool connoisseurs and often sell at Chinese auction houses, helping fuel this country’s booming art market.
“Today, the forgers have access to research publications where they can look up the chemical makeup of an item,” said Robert D. Mowry, former curator of the Harvard Art Museums and an expert on Chinese art who now consults for Christie’s auction house. 

“There are markets for old paper in China.”
Scholars and authenticators are trained to identify fakes or forgeries. 

But Chinese counterfeiters, often with the aid of museum professionals and wealthy collectors, have been clever at finding old materials to game the system.
They irradiate ceramics to throw off carbon-dating techniques, or hire master mounters to separate an authentic inscription from an authentic painting and then commission a fake painting to accompany the authentic inscription and a fake inscription to accompany the authentic painting.

The result is two partially authentic works where there was once one.
“I’ve seen a painting where the first five feet is real but the second five feet is replicated,” said one former Christie’s specialist. 

“And there’d be another painting out there that’s vice versa.”
Some dealers bribe an authenticator, museum staffer or the descendant of an old master painter to go along with a scheme to convince an auction house that a fake work is real. 

Other scam artists doctor provenance records by, for instance, placing a replica in the auction catalog at a small auction house in Europe, or finding a way to get a fake work into an estate sale.
The Chinese authorities and auction houses have tried to crack down on the practice. 

But taming a fast-growing auction market, and a growing trade in counterfeits, has so far been ineffective.
In China, locating the producers and dealers in fake items is not difficult. 

A journalist visited more than a dozen Chinese cities this year and was able to set up appointments with many high-quality replica-makers, many of whom admitted to, at one time or another, participating in counterfeiting schemes.
Some craftsmen even expressed pride in having produced an object that turned out to be good enough to end up in the auction market.
“They can even fool the connoisseurs,” said David Sensabaugh, curator of Asian art at the Yale University Art Gallery. 

“And with jade, there’s just no way to test it” to determine the age of a piece.
Craig Yee, an expert in traditional Chinese painting and a partner at Ink Studio, a contemporary art gallery in Beijing, says it takes a connoisseur to catch a connoisseur involved in producing fakes and forgeries.
“The best fakers are not craftsmen but connoisseurs and expert calligraphers and painters,” Mr. Yee said. “You can’t just pick up a brush and master a style.”
That collectors and investors in Chinese art are being fooled is one thing, but experts say the fakes and forgeries could also have broader implications for the study of Chinese art.
While scholars have long been aware of fakes and forgeries of Chinese cultural objects, the scale of the production is likely to make things even more challenging, since collectors are likely to donate items to national museums.
“For serious scholars, prudence becomes ever more important,” said Mr. Mowry, the former Harvard curator. 

“It’s frightening, but there are going to be lots of books published and people are going to assume that some things are authentic when they’re fake.”

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To Save Money, Beijing Couples Divorce in Soaring Numbers

By DIDI KIRSTEN TATLOW

People line up at an office to register for marriage or divorce in Shanghai. Divorce is soaring as couples seek to evade a new tax on second home sales imposed earlier this year.

Around the world, divorce can make people poorer, as they sell their property. 

In Beijing, couples are divorcing — to become richer, by selling their property.
Applications for divorce in the capital soared by 41 percent in the first three quarters of 2013 over the same period last year, the city’s civil affairs bureau said Tuesday. 

The figure of nearly 40,000 couples initiating divorce — 39,075 to be exact — has surpassed the total figure for 2012, they said. 

Similar rises are happening in cities nationwide.
The reason? 

Tax regulations that took effect in March aimed at curbing property speculation and too-high prices mean, in essence, that a couple selling a second property pays capital gains tax of 20 percent. 

Singles selling their sole property are exempt, if they have owned it for five years or more. 

So a couple that divorces and registers their properties singly stands to save a lot of money for the family.
Mr. and Ms. Mao, a Beijing married couple cited by the Guangzhou Daily, a government newspaper, wanted to sell their second apartment in Tongzhou, in the city’s eastern suburbs. 

They opted to divorce.

“In this way the apartment we sold counted as belonging to one person, and we saved 300,000 renminbi,” or nearly $50,000, the newspaper quoted them as saying.
In Shanghai, where property is also very expensive, municipal divorce offices have put up signs warning prospective divorcees: “Property is Risk, Divorce with Care!”
Attitudes toward divorce in China’s cities are becoming more liberal and rates are overall “rising stably,” wrote Zhou Junsheng, a commentator in The Beijing News.

But many couples were exploiting the loophole and divorcing, he wrote.
Li Ziwei, of the Beijing Marriage and Family Building Association, attributed the “fast, unusual” rise this year to couples’ determination to avoid the taxes contained in the rules, dubbed the “National Five Regulations.”
Still, officials were not required to ask about the reasons for a couple’s divorce, Ms. Li said. 

That would constitute interference with their freedom to divorce, she said in comments carried widely in Chinese media.

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China Says 5 Jihadis Are Arrested in Beijing Attack

By ANDREW JACOBS
Three people were killed when an SUV vehicle crashed into a crowd in Beijing's Tiananmen Square and burst into flames, state media said, as pictures showed a tower of smoke rising before the Forbidden City.

BEIJING — The Chinese authorities announced on Wednesday the arrests of five people described as Islamic jihadists who they say helped orchestrate an audacious attack near Tiananmen Square, the political heart of the nation, that left five people dead.
In a brief message posted on its microblog account, the Beijing Public Security Bureau said the arrested men, all ethnic Uighurs from China’s western Xinjiang region, had enlisted a family of three to drive a vehicle across a crowded sidewalk on Monday and then ignite the car at the foot of the Tiananmen Gate. 

Two tourists were killed and 40 people were injured as the vehicle sped toward the entrance to the Forbidden City, just yards from the iconic portrait of Chairman Mao.
The occupants of the car — identified by the police as Usmen Hasan, his wife and his mother, also Uighurs — died as it went up in flames. 

The police say that in addition to gasoline and a gas canister, investigators recovered from the vehicle two axes, metal clubs and a banner bearing “religious extremist messages.” 

The police did not disclose the content of those messages.
“This was a violent terrorist act that was carefully planned and organized,” the statement said.
The police said the five men were arrested at an undisclosed location on Monday, 10 hours after the attack, and had confessed their involvement. 

They said investigators had discovered long knives and a “jihadist” flag in the temporary residence where the suspects were staying. 

It is unclear why the authorities delayed the announcement of the arrests by more than a day.
The news was released after work hours, and the police did not immediately respond to a faxed request for comment.
Like the event itself, news of the arrests was played down in the Chinese media and most outlets carried only a brief statement from the official Xinhua news agency, reflecting in part the government’s skittishness over an incident that exposed security lapses at one of the most heavily guarded locations in the country.
The attack is likely to prompt heightened security in Xinjiang, home to most of China’s ethnic Uighurs, a Turkic-speaking people who subscribe to a moderate brand of Sunni Islam. 

Concentrated in oasis towns in an arid stretch of western China, Uighurs have long had an uneasy coexistence with the ruling Han Chinese majority. 

But tensions have increased in recent years, fueled by a surge in Han migration to the region, a widening income gap and anger over policies that many locals say marginalize Uighur culture and traditions.
The Chinese government often paints any resistance to its policies in Xinjiang as acts of separatism. 

Violent clashes between protesters and the police are invariably described as terrorism, and in recent years, Beijing has sought to blame outside agitators and Islamic extremists for fomenting bloodshed in the region. Exile groups say that much of the violence is a response to increasingly harsh policies that restrict religious practices and favor Mandarin over the Uighur language in schools.
But until the Tiananmen attack, most of the violence had been confined to Xinjiang, nearly 2,000 miles from the Chinese capital.
Rohan Gunaratna, an international terrorism expert at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore, said the attack would help bolster Beijing’s contention that Uighur Islamists have allied with a terrorist group known as the East Turkestan Islamist Movement and pose a serious threat to the nation.
The United States has designated that group a terrorist organization, but many Western analysts have played down its size and its ability to wage attacks within China. 

Although the authorities did not immediately link the attack to the group, Mr. Gunaratna said he thought the episode would serve as a warning to those who have questioned its prowess. 

“It demonstrates that whoever carried out this attack meticulously planned the operation,” he said. 

“It is likely to be the future of terror operations. These kinds of attacks are designed to inspire other groups.”
But Ilham Tohti, a Uighur scholar in Beijing, said he worried that the authorities would use the event to increase repression in Xinjiang. 

“I’m very concerned for what comes next,” he said.
A vocal advocate for Uighur rights who is frequently confined to his home by security personnel, Mr. Tohti questioned the sparse narrative issued by the police, noting that media restrictions have in the past prevented independent reporting on violent incidents involving Uighurs.
“I have a lot of questions about what happened,” he said in a telephone interview.

“It’s easy to point to a banner, but we’re only getting one side of the story.”

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China's impossible contradiction

   

By Ambrose Evans-Pritchard

 Chinese leader Xi Jinping is to unveil sweeping economic reforms at the Party's Third Plenum next month, with an assault on the state behemoths and the Party patronage machine (really?).
Yet he also wants to tighten the grip of the one-party, one-ideology, authoritarian state.
Here's a good account this morning from Wiang Xiangwei at the South China Morning Post.

The Development Research Centre has published its road map of reform measures.
It is being taken very seriously since it is written by none other than reformer Liu Wei and by President Xi's right-hand man on economic affairs, Liu He.
The problem is that these proposals skirt over/contradict the core finding of a joint DRC-World Bank report last year.
It said China would not succeed in jumping to the next stage of economic development and would languish in the the "middle income trap" unless it embraces the whole package of modern free thinking.
It did not quite say democracy, but that is what it meant.
The 2012 report warned that China risks hitting an invisible ceiling just like Latin America and the Middle East after their catch-up growth spurts in the 1960s and 1970s, failing to join the rarer "breakout" states such as Japan and Korea.
"If countries cannot increase productivity through innovation, they find themselves trapped. China does not have to endure this fate," it said.
All the arguments are by now well known.
China is running out of cheap labour from the countryside.
The DRC report said it faces a "wrenching demographic change" as the old-age dependency ratio doubles to north European levels within 20 years.
It then went on to say that China has picked the low-hanging fruit of cheap-labour, investment-led, export-led, catch-up growth.
It can longer rely on imported technology to keep growth humming. (It has averaged just under 10pc since Deng Xiaoping began to throw open the economy in 1978.)
"China has reached another turning point in its development path when a second strategic, and no less fundamental, shift is called for," it said.
As I reported at the time, the DRC said China’s growth will slow to 7pc later this decade and 5pc by the late 2020s even if China embraces deep reform.
Stagnation lies in wait if it clings to the dirigiste model.
"The forces supporting China’s continued rapid progress are gradually fading. The government’s dominance in key sectors, while earlier an advantage, is in the future likely to act as a constraint on creativity," it said. "The role of the private sector is critical because innovation at the technology frontier is quite different in nature from catching up technologically. It is not something that can be achieved through government planning."
Xi Jinping seems to think he can dispense with half of this, cherry-picking the bits of reform that he thinks will generate growth while clamping down on the press, the internet, free science, and reviving Maoist "self-criticism" sessions to tighten control over the party.
The Leninist reflexes are plain to see.
This week's treatment of the Guangzhou Express journalist – made to utter absurdities in a staged-TV confession with police watching, and the judicial process be damned – has Cultural Revolution all over it.
Surely something must give: either the Party gives up more social and political control to let that "creativity" flourish; or the reforms will degenerate into meaningless incantations and rhetoric, leaving China in the middle income trap.
We are at the moment when China has to decide.
Watch the Third Plenum very closely.

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Chinese officials in new Photoshop fail

Anhui province apologises for doctored picture that shows vice-mayor hovering like a ghost above a puppet-sized old lady
Tania Branigan in Beijing

Officials in China's Anhui province have apologised for this doctored photograph, showing a ghostly vice-mayor minus his legs looming over a miniaturised senior citizen. 

With an eerie floating head and torso looming above a doll-sized figure, it could be a still from a supernatural movie. 

Instead the image now spreading far and wide is another spectacular Photoshop fail for Chinese officialdom.
The comically inept piece of doctoring, published by the government of Ningguo in Anhui province, was intended to show the concern of vice-mayor Wang Hun and other officials as they visited an old lady in the city.
But authorities deleted it, apologised and ordered an employee to write a self-criticism after they were deluged with mockery by internet users.
Microbloggers pointed out that while officials had merely said sorry for the obviously fake photograph, an official government crackdown threatens jail for lowlier souls spreading "internet rumours".
In a statement the officials said they had indeed visited centenarians including Cheng Yanchun during a Chinese festival. 

But an employee had merged two shots because the layout of the room where Cheng was pictured had prevented the photographer from capturing her and the officials in the same image.
"Cheng was sitting on a chair on the balcony, under the sun. The balcony space was very small and the camera lens could not cover the whole scene … When the employee of the municipal civil affairs department uploaded the photos … he simply merged two shots," the government said.
"We express deep regret to internet users for its negative influence … We will learn from the experience, to improve civil affairs work."
It said the party committee and government had acted rapidly because of their serious concern, ordering the civil affairs department to require a self-criticism report from the employee and criticise him across the city.
"Official fraud, making rumours, and there is no need to take responsibility? But a netizen whose post is forwarded 500 times has to take criminal responsibility," wrote one microblogger, Zhao Shimin.

Others suggested the manipulation had actually captured a fundamental truth about officials, who appear to be giants beside Cheng.
"It truly portrays the social ecology: the image of officials is glorious, the people are small and humble! What a good [bit of] Photoshop; he is really talented!" wrote one, who called himself Big Ear Picture.
Another suggested the officials were actually looking at real estate when they were pictured – presumably because of their enthusiastic expressions. 

 A third sent round a spoof showing them gazing at a scantily clad young woman.
An image of officials in Sichuan floating above the road they were supposed to be inspecting prompted similar ridicule and numerous parodies from internet users a few years ago.
Authorities insisted the visit had taken place but said the original photographs had been judged inadequate for publicity purposes. 

That picture looked almost naturalistic beside the Ningguo confection.

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Jokes, Lies and Pollution in China

By YU HUA

Clean and Dirty: China’s Energy Binge

ELECTRICITY FROM NONFOSSIL FUELS In 2011 (billions of kilowatt-hours).

AVERAGE ANNUAL GROWTH 2005 to 2011. China’s growth rate in nonfossil electricity far exceeded that of the U.S.

%

%

319

687

+3

+10

U.S.

CHINA

Hydro

790

83

+0.2

+9

Nuclear

120

73

+37

+82

Wind

+22

+85

2

3

Solar

FOSSIL FUELS CONSUMED National totals in 2011 (quadrillion B.T.U.’s).

AVERAGE ANNUAL GROWTH RATE 2005 to 2011.

20

76

–2

+8

U.S.

CHINA

Coal

35

20

–2

+7

Oil

25

5

+2

+19

Natural

gas

Chinese man wearing gas mask to avoid polluted air

BEIJING — After my physical exam this year, the doctor showed me his findings. 

Next to an irregularity he had noted concerning lung function, I was surprised to see the words “air pollution.” 

It was first time this had ever appeared in my health report.
This reminded me of the uproar in China in June of last year regarding PM 2.5 — the airborne particles with a diameter of 2.5 microns or less that are particularly harmful to our health. 

Reports of high PM 2.5 levels, monitored and revealed by the U.S. Embassy and various consulates across China, fueled public concerns about air pollution. 

But the government went on the defensive, with Wu Xiaoqing, vice minister for environmental protection, rebuking the United States and claiming its monitoring had violated international conventions and Chinese law.
After a spokesman for the Foreign Ministry issued a similar protest, a joker on the Internet took things a step further. 

“As everyone knows, in keeping with international norms, U.S. Embassies count as American territory. Data obtained in such locations show only that U.S. air quality is poor.”
Prior to these PM 2.5 reports, hardly anyone in China except for a few environmental professionals knew that these tiny particles can directly enter the bronchial tubes, interfere with gas exchange in the lungs and cause a variety of serious health problems. 

While Chinese officials criticized America and minimized the dangers of PM 2.5, Chinese citizens went online to vent their dissatisfaction with the government. 

Face masks sold out and cans of compressed air were hawked on the streets.
Hazardous smog has enveloped many areas of China. 

Last January the smog was so thick in Anji County in Zhejiang Province that a fire there went unnoticed by local residents for three hours. 

Last week, visibility in the northeastern city of Harbin was less than 10 meters, forcing the closure of all schools.
As China’s two most important political congresses were being held in the early part of the year, and the new president and prime minister were named, Beijing and other northern cities were shrouded in toxic smog, setting records in some areas for the most days with hazardous air. 

The pollution was a hot topic for everyone while the congresses were under way.
It’s widely assumed that air purifiers have been installed in our leaders’ offices and homes, but they still have to go outside, and when they do they have to breathe the same polluted air as everyone else. 

Maybe because our leaders are also suffering from the effects of pollution, or maybe because there’s increasing pressure from society, our government has made a sudden about-face in its attitude toward PM 2.5, no longer chafing about monitoring by the Americans or minimizing the hazards.
In the summer, Zhou Shengxian, the environment minister, announced that the total budget for the next five years for measures to combat air pollution would amount to about $280 billion. 

He did not provide specifics on how this money would be spent, indicating only that thousands of PM 2.5 monitoring stations would be added per year.
The safety guideline for PM 2.5 set by the World Health Organization is 25 micrograms per cubic meter, whereas the Chinese government sets a limit of 75 micrograms per cubic meter. 

The official explanation for this gap is that China is still a developing country and so cannot yet reach the W.H.O. targets. 

The public’s understanding takes the form of a joke: A fish falls into a vat of soybean sauce, and goes around complaining about how awful the environment is. 

A big fat maggot comes crawling over. 

“Why don’t you shut the hell up?” it curses. “You can’t judge a bean-sauce vat by the standards of a fishbowl!”

Reducing air pollution involves a lot more than just setting up more PM 2.5 monitoring stations. 

It’s clear that steel and chemical plants are the main source of air pollution. 

The government has in recent years closed down some small privately owned plants, but it’s the large and medium-sized state-owned plants that are the main culprits, and the government has done little to reduce their impact, merely limiting the number of new plants. 

That’s because new environmental regulations could be detrimental to the economy, at least in the short term, and our leaders’ biggest fear is that economic pain could affect the stability of their rule.
In the Mao era, the government maintained its authority by coercive indoctrination, whereas today economic growth is one of the keys to holding power. 

Thus, some cities’ main response to air pollution is to restrict drivers to using their cars on alternating days, based on their license plate numbers, and we see half-baked policies instead of serious action. 

One of the measures for alleviating air pollution in Beijing, for example, is banning outdoor barbecue stalls.
Hebei Province, which surrounds Beijing, is China’s top steel-producing province. 

Steel plants play a big role in air and water pollution, but the city of Cangzhou’s answer to the problem is an anti-smoking campaign.
A Hebei official newspaper, Yanzhao Dushi Bao, reported in July that local officials in Cangzhou held a public meeting pledging their commitment to the anti-smoking cause. 

With smoke billowing from the chimneys of factories in the distance, officials promoted the slogan: “Curbing air pollution starts with me!”
On Oct. 12, I posted the following message on my microblog: “Since my arrival in Hong Kong four days ago, I’ve been staying in an apartment by the sea. Yesterday I developed a throbbing headache, but I don’t have cold symptoms. I guess I’ve just been living in Beijing so long that clean air doesn’t suit me.”

Many readers came up with the same treatment plan — that I hurry up and breathe some car exhaust.
For years “air pollution” had been trying to claim a place in my health report. 

At last, it has. 

Sad to say, it will be much more difficult to purge this term from the report than it was to let it in.

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The U.S. needs a new strategy in addressing China’s human rights

By Jared Genser

Supporters of the Chinese pro-democratic movement stage a demonstration in California on Oct. 4.
In recent decades, China’s economy has grown about 10 percent a year, lifting more than 500 million people out of poverty, generating wealth for the middle class and expanding global trade. 

But as the world’s most populous nation has become an increasingly important player on the international stage, it has also brazenly refused to respect fundamental human rights at home. 

Nowhere is this more evident than the continued persecution of high-profile rights activists and their families.
Repeated efforts by the State Department have not changed the calculus of Chinese leaders. 

There appears to be little prospect of improvement, absent a new approach from the White House that leads with a consistent public message.
Chen Guangcheng’s escape from illegal house arrest and his arrival at the U.S. Embassy in Beijing in the spring of 2012 briefly focused major international attention on the treatment of those who defend human rights in China. 

But Chinese officials’ continued failure to keep their promise to end the persecution of the broader Chen family has been less widely reported. 

And Washington’s muted response to the flagrant violation of this commitment sends a terrible message to Chinese officials.
Despite assurances by the Chinese government that it would investigate and end the targeting of the Chen family, local authorities continue to detain, harass, threaten and intimidate the family. 

After Chen Guangcheng’s escape to Beijing, party officials and thugs attacked the family home. 

They severely beat his relatives, including his nephew Chen Kegui, who was later convicted of “assault” and is serving more than three years in prison for defending himself from the onslaught. 

Authorities have repeatedly detained Chen Kegui’s parents. 

They have launched a smear campaign against the family and have destroyed part of the family’s subsistence farm. 

Beer bottles and animal carcasses are regularly thrown at the home, and the family’s village is under constant surveillance by teams of police. 

Also, Chen Kegui has been denied access to adequate medical care.
Unfortunately, this kind of impunity is nothing new. 

When confronted about the disappearance of Chinese legal pioneer Gao Zhisheng in 2010, a spokesman for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said that he could not be expected to locate the renowned activist among the country’s 1.3 billion people — even though it was police who told Gao’s brother that he had “disappeared.” 

Similarly, Chinese officials deny that Liu Xia, a prominent poet and artist who is married to imprisoned 2010 Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo, is under continued house arrest. 

Despite official claims, police repeatedly turn diplomats, journalists and supporters away from Liu Xia’s apartment building.
These stories demonstrate the comfort that Beijing feels in flouting its legal obligations to its own people and in outright lying to the international community. 

Given that continued inattention only breeds more persecution, a new strategy is desperately needed.
First, the clear violation of China’s commitments and its lies must be directly and publicly confronted. 

Failure to squarely address the government’s impunity only emboldens those in the Chinese government who interpret quiet diplomacy and private protestations as a license to oppress. 

It was disheartening, for example, when President Obama failed to sign a letter to incoming Chinese President Xi Jinping last December from 134 Nobel laureates pressing for Liu Xiaobo’s release. 

The White House has never publicly called for Liu Xia to be released from her extralegal house arrest. 

This signals to Beijing that there will be no real price for failing to respond to private requests for action on these cases.
Second, in instances in which Chinese officials refuse to engage as honest actors, it is incumbent upon the U.S. administration to meet with Chinese dissidents and their families who can speak with unique authority about the persecution they continue to face in China. 

Meetings with President Obama and Secretary of State John Kerry, in particular, make clear that the United States views human rights as a central component of its foreign policy.
Finally, each high-level meeting with Chinese officials should include a substantive discussion of human rights issues relevant to the subject of the meeting. 

International standards on political, social, economic, environmental and cultural rights inform nearly all aspects of modern life. 

Prioritizing a bilateral relationship that consistently emphasizes fundamental freedoms would allow the administration to articulate a coherent strategy for addressing human rights while fostering the conditions for a real dialogue.
The fundamental problem is that the White House has approached Chinese human rights as an issue to manage rather than a problem to solve. 

By any measure, this strategy has failed. 

It is time for the Obama administration to reassess, reengage and recommit to the cause of human rights in China.

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